According to what Livy tells
us, the years between the end of the third century b.C. and
the beginning of the second century b.C. are marked for
Locri by a new desecration of the Persephoneion this time at
the hands of Bruttii looters that caused a new and strong
action of the Roman Senate in favor of the Locrian city
(Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, XXXI 12, 1-4):
"Litterae
deinde in senatu recitatae sunt Q. Minuci praetoris, cui
Bruttii provincia erat: pecuniam Locris ex Proserpinae
thesauris nocte clam sublatam, nec ad quos pertineat facinus
vestigia ulla exstare. Indigne passus senatus non cessari ab
sacrilegiis et ne Pleminium quidem, tam clarum recensque
noxae simul ac poenae exemplum, homines deterrere. C.
Aurelio consuli negotium datum ut ad praetorem in Bruttios
scriberet: senatui placere, quaestionem de expilatis
thesauris eodem exemplo haberi quo M. Pomponius praetor
triennio ante habuisset; quae inventa pecunia esset, reponi;
si quo minus inventum foret, expleri ac piacularia, si
videretur, sicut ante pontifices censuissent, fieri". |
|
"Then it was
read in the Senate a letter from the praetor Quintus
Minucius, who governed the Bruttium province: an amount of
money had been carried off by night out of the treasury of
Proserpina in Locri and there were no traces of the
perpetrators. The senate was outraged by the fact that the
sacrilegious acts didn't stop and that even (what happened
to) Pleminius, a so recent and so conspicuous example of
crime and punishment, didn't hold back the men from it. The
consul Gaius Aurelius was entrusted with the task to write
to the Bruttium praetor that the Senate, concerning the
robbery of the treasury, wished that it was dealt with
according to the method used by the praetor Marcus Pomponius
three years before; that the money which could (possibly) be
found should be restored (in the treasury); that if it was
found less than it was it should be made up and that, if he
thought proper, expiatory rites should be made, as the pontiffs had
formerly prescribed.” |
The special attention of the
Senate for such an event was obviously dictated by the will
of Rome to keep the oath of trust and mutual help with Locri
made a few years before but it was also (as again the same
Livy tells us in later chapters) once again determined
by the correlation that the members of the Senate had
done between the desecration of the temple and some
prodigious events, seen as a bad omen by the senators,
occurring throughout southern Italy and beyond. So much
so that the investigations of Quintus Minucius were quick
and soon led to the capture of the perpetrators and to the
restitution of the sums of money stolen from the
treasury (Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, XXXI 13, 1):
"[...] nam
etiam Locris sacrilegium pervestigatum ab Q. Minucio erat,
pecuniaque ex bonis noxiorum in thesauros reposita [...]". |
|
"In fact, also
in Locri Quintus Minucius had thoroughly investigated the
sacrilege and had put the money in the treasury (drawing)
from the goods of the perpetrators." |
After these facts Locri will be called on his part to comply
with the military obligations which originated from its
status of Civitas Foederata and both in 191 b.C., in the
first war against Antiochus III the Great, and in 171 b.C.,
in the battle against Perseus of Macedon, it was able to
supply the Roman fleet with its own triremes thus being able
to satisfy the demands of its ally on time.
But the demographic and economic crisis that was taking
place in Locri, and that was mentioned in the previous
chapter, led the city in 156 b.C. to being not able to supply
the ships needed by the military expeditions that Rome was
carrying on against the Dalmatians and in the territories of
the Iberian peninsula; and in this case it was through the
good offices, as he himself tells us, of the historian
Polybius, who was held in great favor by Rome, that the
Locrian city was exempted from supplying the ships without
incurring any sanction. Good offices that, it's still the
historian who narrates (Polybius, Histories, XII 5), he
carried out willingly since during those years he had often
visited the Locrian town where the inhabitants had allowed
him, through the narration of the facts relating the birth
of the ancient polis, to support the argument of Aristotle
at the expense of Timaeus' one concerning the origins of the
Greek settlers (see Greek Age - Chapter I).
Besides that, the ancient
historians didn't hand down many other information regarding
this historical phase in which, pandering the unavoidable
process that was already underway and that is called
Romanization, Locri was preparing itself to become a Roman city to
all intents and purposes. Situation which took place through
the establishment of the Municipium of Locri, as it happened
to other foederate cities, probably in 89 b.C. as a result
of the implementation of the Lex Julia De Civitate Latinis
et sociis danda provisions.
MUNICIPIA
AND MINOR TOWNS OF THE BRUTIUM (FIRST CENTURY B.C.)
The new status of Municipium,
however, didn't allow the city to regain the former glory.
And that because it (and, more generally, most of those that
once were the great italiote cities) was now outside of what
were the strategic interests of its time.
So the splendor of the ancient
polis was by now gone forever, and its fate was indissolubly
tied to that of the other Greek cities of the west that with
it, as Cicero wrote (Tusculanae Disputationes, IV 1, 2),
made possible to flourish in Italy sublime and most powerful
cities of a new Graecia, for this reason called Magna. That
by now though, the same Cicero narrates, no longer existed
(Laelius - De Amicitia, 4, 13: "[...] Magnamque Greciam,
quae nunc quidem deleta est [...]").
Nevertheless, Locri was still
an important city, renowned between scholars and prominent
people, such as the previously mentioned Cicero, who often
crossed his fate with that of the ancient polis during his
career; but its importance was by now more local, limited to
an area of the province that was increasingly moving away from
the political affairs of Rome and from the trading routes of
the upcoming Empire. It became, therefore, an administrative
center of smaller size compared to the past but around which
flourished and developed numerous agricultural towns and
Villae, even of considerable size, owned by the Roman
aristocracy.
With the coming of the imperial
age the historical tidings become more and more scarce, but
from the little that the ancient writers have left us the
city maintained, at least until the end of the second
century a.D., a relative "wealth" from an economic point of
view and was praised for the healthy climate of the area
where it was located.
Something more about this age
has been discovered thanks to the archaeological evidences
that, through the findings of the excavation campaigns made
in the last years (focused on the Roman area and that led,
in 2003, to the exceptional discovery of a statue of a
Togatus, so-called "Togatus from Petrara") allow nowadays to consider the
Roman Locri in a different way and certainly more worthy of
attention than in the past in which the Greek polis enjoyed
a position of privilege in all areas of research aimed to
the study and the comprehension of the ancient city. These
findings made it possible to assume the continuity of a
"strong" urban nucleus at least until the third or
mid-fourth century a.D.; after this period it is easy to
assume a slow but inexorable decline of the city in
favor of the settlements scattered on the territory, even
and especially due to the progressive deterioration of the
Roman central government that removed the need for an
administrative center which was, by now, the primary function
of Locri.
The hope, therefore, to obtain
information that can fill the void left by the ancient
historians regarding this historical period is entrusted to
the archaeologists and to their excavations in the territory
of the ancient city that, we are certain of this, will be
able in the future to surprise us again and to certify us,
once more, the cultural richness and the importance of the
ancient Locri. |